Property Rights
Increased protection of tenants directly confronts
Australia’s western liberal tradition which favours the rights of property
owners. The states and territories have emphasised pathways to home ownership
rather than improved protection of tenant rights and interests. It was John
Locke who said government was necessary to protect the rights of property
owners. In his words, the ‘great and chief end, therefore, of men's uniting
into commonwealths, and putting themselves under government, is the
preservation of their property’.
This school of thought still resonates in modern time
despite powerful and well-known critique. Such reliance is often not explicitly
articulated but can be identified upon analysis. Such as when a court
determines reasonableness in favour of property owners without providing
detailed reasoning as to their decision. Implicit is the belief that rights
attached to ownership have precedence over all other interests. A more
prescriptive approach to drafting legislation may be needed to combat the
social norm that priorities property ownership over other societal interests.
Public/Private Distinction
The second reason is the traditional distinction drawn
between the public and private spheres of human activity. Western liberal theory posits that the state
should only seek to regulate the public sphere. The distinction has been widely
discredited. Feminists have demonstrated that the divide operates to the
disadvantage of women. The divide continues to have a strong hold in the
context of residential tenancy law. People spend their time in the public or
private sphere. In the public sphere, for example, the law of employment and
labour relations in Australia is well-developed. By contrast, the home itself,
along with landlord and tenant relations, has been heavily neglected.
The integrity of residential tenancy laws has a special significance
for women. Feminists have identified the link between women’s rights and
housing. In contemporary times, women are still more likely to stay at home
carrying out household chores and caring for children. Residential tenancy laws
have internalised a specialised form of systemic gender-based discrimination. Such
approaches perpetrate a systemic form of violence against women and should not
continue. Further development is necessary to give meaningful content to
principles of equality and non-discrimination.
Power Imbalance
Power Imbalance
The third reason is the power imbalance between tenants and
their advocates on one hand, and landlords and their agents on the other. Tenants
may be retaliated against if they seek to enforce existing rights, while
advocates risk losing funding if they criticise government policy. The study of
power has been integral in the field of employment and labour relations. The
employer and employee relationship is similar to the tenant and landlord
relationship.
Employers and landlords aspire to money, while employees
aspire to fair wages and working conditions, and tenants aspire to fair rent
and housing conditions. The pursuit of these things impact on the objective of
profit. These interests are in direct opposition. The state has, on the whole,
successfully addressed the power imbalance between employers and employees. But it has not done so in the private sphere
with respect to residential tenancy law. Tenants can only be protected if this
fundamental power imbalance is addressed both in law and practice.Concluding Remarks
If the law of residential tenancy is to advance, we must
first understand what has held tenants back. Any effort at law reform must
address the state’s blindness to the private sphere, the power imbalance
between tenants and landlords, and the cultural emphasis on property ownership.
Theory first; law reform later.
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